Last Wednesday, the Coalition delivered another Autumn
Statement that stuck to the strategy we’ve had since 2010: clearing up
Labour’s mess in the public finances and doing so fairly; reforms to reward
work and improve the UK’s long-term growth prospects. This was a very
Liberal Democrat Autumn Statement – income tax cuts, infrastructure
investment and a big, liberal tax reform.
Our plan has widespread public support. But there is still work to be done to
finish the job after the election. With Labour having long since departed
the battle for economic credibility, the big question now is which of the
Coalition parties is actually promising to stay the course, and which is
lurching away from it?
When we started in 2010, there were two important elements to our approach.
First, we focused on the structural deficit – that part of Labour’s record
borrowing that wouldn’t be removed when growth returned. It wasn’t cuts for
cuts’ sake. Second, we aimed to finish the job fairly, with the best-off
making the biggest contribution. Though all of the decisions I have made
have been difficult, that has been achieved so far.
Economic circumstances have been tougher than forecast back in 2010. It was
right to be flexible and to accept that it would take an extra two years to
“finish the job” on the structural deficit. If we reduce the deficit at the
same rate as in this parliament, that goal will be met in 2017-18.
The Liberal Democrats are committed to seeing that task through. But we and
the Tories differ sharply on how to complete that task. And there is an even
more profound difference over what happens afterwards. They see 2017-18 as a
staging post to a smaller state, with many more cuts to come. We see that
year as a turning point, with the opportunity for a different, more balanced
approach thereafter, offering light at the end of the tunnel.
By the end of 2015-16, we will have taken £120 billion of difficult decisions
on spending and tax to reduce the deficit. The best-off in society have
contributed the biggest share – indeed the top 20 per cent have contributed
more than the other four fifths combined. Over the two years that follow,
around £30 billion of further deficit reduction will be needed. It is
essential that this includes some tax rises to make sure the wealthy make a
contribution. To focus solely on spending cuts is wrong, unfair, and would
put unnecessary pressure on public services and people on low incomes.
Post 2017-18, the difference is even starker. The Tories want to keep on
making cuts, running growing surpluses year after year, way beyond what is
required to balance the books.
Yes, we have to reduce the burden of debt as a share of our economy to more
sustainable levels – it would be immoral to pass on crippling debt levels to
our children. But that simply does not require shrinking the state ever
further. That is an ideological demand, not an economic necessity. The
recent dire warnings from the Institute for Fiscal Studies and others over
the drastic shrinkage of the state refer to a plan that keeps cutting
spending until 2020 – something the Liberal Democrats are emphatically not
signed up to.
Instead, we would run a balanced budget and, provided the debt was falling,
allow borrowing to invest in the most productive economic infrastructure. We
could then do even more to improve our roads, railways, broadband and so on.
This would allow general public spending to grow as the economy grows. No
spending bonanza, but a change from where we have had to be in this
parliament, enabling the pressures on public services to be dealt with.
Labour, of course, are simply not part of this debate. They want to drag out
deficit reduction across the next parliament, building up more debt and
prolonging the squeeze. Ed Miliband and Ed Balls have no economic
credibility precisely because they refuse to face up to their role in
creating these problems, and to the need for more hard decisions to finally
release us from the grip of their past failures.
The Liberal Democrat approach is to stay the course we have set in this
parliament, until the job is complete in 2017-18. It is sad to see the
Conservatives move away from the sensible, balanced approach of the
Coalition, to a more doctrinaire policy that would inflict unnecessary pain
on the people of Britain.
Who would have thought that of the two parties that formed the Coalition, it
would be the Tories who would be blown off course? A mix of unfunded tax
promises, harsh spending plans, and pandering to Ukip may be born of
pre-election panic, but it is not economically credible. The Liberal
Democrats would borrow less than Labour, and cut less than the Tories. We’d
get the national debt down over time, while allowing more productive
investment in infrastructure and public services.
In coalition, we have helped save Britain from economic chaos and ushered in a
strong recovery. The real danger of such chaos in future comes from a Labour
Party that would repeat its disastrous mistakes, and a Conservative Party
that wants to give Britain austerity for ever and destroy our place in our
largest market. British people want neither of these. The only way to avoid
economic chaos and keep Britain on the right path is to have Liberal
Democrats shaping our economic destiny, as we have over the past four and a
half years.
Danny Alexander is Chief Secretary to the Treasury